I’ve been most impressed with the coverage of the Zimbabwe election imbroglio on Lateline. In a way, it wasn’t wholly a pity that Morgan Tzvangirai couldn’t be tracked down for an interview tonight – it’s very informative to hear from figures who are concerned and well informed but at some distance from the opposition itself – such as former Zimbabwean Daily News lawyer and now International Bar Association staffer Gugu Moyo tonight [transcript not yet available] and South African Sunday Times editor Mondli Makhanya last night. If you didn’t watch either of the interviews, reviewing them online or reading the transcripts would repay the investment of time.
It was disappointing to hear Moyo say tonight that Tzvangirai wasn’t reknowned for his tactical acuity, and interesting to hear her analysis of the pressures on the High Court judge who is hearing the MDC’s action to force the release of the Presidential results and her assessment that while the situation is still fluid, it’s certainly more grim than it was last week, and ZANU-PF appears to be reverting to type with intimidatory actions such as the arrest of election officials, attacks on farmers’ property and intimidation and beatings of opposition activists.
Some of the context for what has changed may be inferred from Makhanya’s remarks last night – that the South Africans had resented the pressure put on them by Gordon Brown (and Kevin Rudd) and other figures from the international community, and were more open to arguments from ZANU-PF figures that the best outcome would be a power sharing deal. It’s wrong that the legacy of colonialism can be invoked to frustrate the democratic will of the Zimbabwean people. But this gambit from Mugabe could have been predicted and leaders such as Brown should also realise that effectively embarrassing Mbeki at a public forum is unwise, to say the least, if he’s concerned to ensure that will be respected.
It appears that Tzvangirai is active in some form in Pretoria in negotiations, but the nature and possible outcomes of such talks are unclear. So we sit and watch. I’d be very grateful if anyone’s aware of any good sources emanating from the region itself. A quick google search turned up this news aggregator, but I’d like to read more. I am grateful, though, for the standard of the coverage on Lateline.
It’s a not a nice situation there in Zimbabwe. Mugabe is a brutal dictator who has been running the country for himself and a group of staunch supporters, whilst the rest of his people suffer. His acts of violence and genocide are abominable.
I’ve never understood why countries like South Africa have stood by and allowed such a dreadful dictator to destroy the country and so many people lives. The world, including South Africa, must put the greatest pressure on those that matter to have Mugabe ousted so that Zimbabwe can have a chance at restoring its country.
Alastair says:
They probably haven’t yet worked out a way to blame it on Israel.
http://www.smh.com.au/news/world/zimbabwe-opposition-slams-deafening-silence-of-africa/2008/04/09/1207420422359.html?page=fullpage#contentSwap1
How is this for a set of figures:
The price of a loaf of bread in 1998 was ZMD$5.
In 2003 it was ZMD$1,000.
In October of last year, a loaf went for ZMD$100,000.
And two weeks ago, the average loaf was about ZMD$6.6 million on the official market, although Reuters reckons that ZMD$15 million is the black market.
more expensive on the black market?
That’s pretty unusual.
FDB says:
Not if there’s rationing and price controls.
Ah, so more expensive, but you can actually get it if you’ve got a wheelbarrow full of paper. Got it.
Zimbabwe is not a province of South Africa. Jacob Zuma has called for the release of results. The question is how we interpret the parliamentary vote. Was the opposition vote so high that rigging could not swamp it, or did the government take their eye of the ball and fail to rig sufficently? If it is the later it should be possible to manufacture a ZANU-PF victory in the presidential ballot?