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7 responses to “Ross Garnaut on political leadership, corporate interests and public policy”

  1. Fran Barlow

    Ha … I just posted a link to the PDF in Saturday Salon …

  2. moz

    He makes it seem so obvious. I still have a visceral negative reaction to his strong market focus, but despite that what he says does make sense. especially the comments about sectional interests overriding strong public support for good policy. I’m amused to see the tobacco companies trying to jump on that bandwagon. Hopefully with less success than the miners.
    Now, if we just had a leader with some gumption available to actually lead.

  3. akn

    There is a great deal of great value in this address which sets current social democratic goals.

    Message to the miners and those in the ALP who are unaware of the tradition of social democracy:

    A successful democratic polity is built around analysis, public education, tolerance and restraint. The presence of these qualities in the polity allows leaders who are concerned to follow some conception of the public
    interest to appeal to the democratic electorate over the heads of vested interests, which otherwise have a privileged influential place in the policymaking process.

    But who are those people in the ALP who are unaware of theory social democratic traditon?Mark Aarons’ interview with Tony Jones(Lateline 05/08/2010) makes it plain:

    MARK AARONS: Well I think what’s changed in modern Labor is that we have seen the morphing of what was once the hard men of the New South Wales right, of the Labor Party, who had good practical political skills, who had core Labor values and would do whatever it took in order to obtain power but within the confine of standing for something.

    And they have morphed into frankly the Hollow Men who stand for nothing other than following the focus group polling that they are expert at doing and substituting leadership and vision for what people who care very little about politics and mainly are focused on their own selfish endeavours tell them in focus groups.

    Aarons goes on the suggest that Rudd failed to follow through with leadership on climate change and that, unbelievably, Gillard has done the same based on the same advice provided by the same advisers whose appalling advice to Rudd on climate change saw his poll ratings plummet.

    However, it is not merely, as Aarons puts it, that the current crop of union secretaries are “hollow men” who “bend with the wind”. It is more that the union secretaries, who he has previously singled out(seeLabor’s ties that grindSMH, 2008) as the source of structural obstacle to democracy within the ALP, overwhelmingly represent the interests of male, blue collar workers.

    The sacking of Rudd and his replacement with a compliant Gillard at the behest of a panicked aggregation of elite union secretaries represents a most dangerous alignment between highly trained and highly paid blue collar male workers and the mining sector on whom the former’s wealth and gendered authority depend.

    Garnaut claims that human society, our polity, has never before faced a change as significant as climate change. Despite this:

    There is a much stronger base of support for reform and change on this issue than on any other big question of structural change with which the Australian polity has come to grips in recent decades, including trade, tax and public business ownership reform…The saving grace turns out to be powerful. Despite the abandonment of effective approaches to mitigation by both major parties, and the comprehensive disappearance now for two thirds of a year of leadership on climate change policy from either side of Australian politics, a large majority of Australians wants an Emissions Trading Scheme.

    Except, it seems, for the coal and extractive industries and their employees who are prepared to sack an elected Labor PM in the interests of forming a class alliance that will protect them and theirs for at best three generations but will send the planet to hell in the meantime.

  4. Taylor

    Credit to Garnaut for the ability to survey the big picture national interest. My current favorite grand theory in this vein, which seems to agree on most points with Garnaut, is from Michael Heller, who integrates Weber and Schumpeter. It’s worth reading:

    http://sites.google.com/site/impersonalcapitalism/

    A couple of problems with Garnaut’s approach is that it tends to be a little bit too airily confident of what’s required and too econocratic.

    A couple of examples:

    On overconfidence: in the debate over the resources tax Garnaut was convinced that the Treasury was basically correct, except for a couple of quibbles over the rate at which deductible expenses would be increased. This didn’t give sufficient due to the concerns over the process by which the tax announcement was made and the lack of consultation. I’m inclined to say that a legal background would have made him more appreciative of those concerns, but it’s not true – many economists who are experts in tax reform arrived at the same view.

    On technocracy – what about this from his speech: “Whatever their values, citizens share interests in … efficient distribution to achieve specified equity goals at the lowest possible cost”

    Where on earth do the “specified equity goals” come from if not from values? I suspect I’m missing some post-Mirrlees quirk of welfare economics, but I’m not convinced this sleight-of-hand is possible.

    However, overall I’m left with the impression that Garnaut is essentially right, which is disappointing. Australia is probably lacking the political leadership and the media that it needs for the future.

  5. Ute Man

    An able leader’s articulation of his or her conception of the national interest can elicit powerful responses, capable of overcoming loyalty to private interests, and of swamping the appeals to perceptions of the national interest that have been distorted by sectional interests.

    [citation needed] or at least a recent example, because the politics of this century sure hasn’t thrown up any of this kind of leadership.

  6. Taylor

    Correction: re my example of Garnaut’s technocratic bent, I now see his point. He was making a distinction between “values” and “interests”. That is, even if you dissent from the majority’s values on income redistribution, you have an interest in seeing that redistribution achieved as efficiently as possible.

    On the other hand, now that I better understand him I don’t think this point is particularly profound.

  7. paul walter

    Taylor, its part of the explantion for why Abbott produces nothing worthwhile, and why Gillard and before her Rudd, couldn’t or can’t adress the most serious issues of all and why politicians avoid issues of substance, including ecological/economic sustainability and efficient distribution of global resources where/when actually needed (eg third world, for start).
    We are operating in a pomo era where the interests of locales and their communties are denied democratic input, unless synergic with capital interests in a locale. Government “policy” and “governance” framed and imposed from without through a mechanism that shabby and obscured documents like AUSFTA and so called defence and intelligence” commitments” involving foreign powers, enaqble. This includes, incidentally, ruining public broadcasting by purging investigation of corporatist government and its big business controllers in favour of “entertainment”.
    It continues with the simultaneous
    “harmonising of intelligence, sedition and security laws to straight-jacketed Britain and the US under the pretext of “national security”, which just so coincidentally allows for the ending of a democracies ability to “see, “remember” and therefore think and decide, in exercising its rights for individual and community self determination.