Tag Archive for 'Ben Eltham'

Stop the press! Media narrative wrong!

Ben Eltham has a neat piece in New Matilda today comprehensively detailing the reasons why the ‘Rudd quaking in his boots’ story is tosh. He makes a very good point about the relative inattention given to the Essential Research poll compared to that other poll which always makes the News:

The Essential survey polled more respondents and had a lower margin of error than Newspoll, making it a more reliable gauge of current voting intentions. But the Essential poll didn’t fit the current media narrative that Kevin Rudd is losing his shine, so most outlets ignored it.

There’s another astute observation in Eltham’s piece:

It would help if the Coalition had spent the last two years developing viable new policies. But they haven’t. So Abbott is almost required to make policy on the run in the run-up to the election. This leaves Labor all sorts of opportunities for counter-attack.

While, as I suggested the other day, the polls are reflecting both a return to partisan normality in the absence of Liberal dissension and the continued inability of the Coalition to make inroads into the centre ground, the years of Liberal leadership wars are still having an effect. The Libs could have learnt something from the oft-repeated story of state conservative oppositions, one would have thought; leadership is not the magic bullet. Changing the leader, in the absence of anyone doing the hard slog of policy work, just leaves the latest bunny in the headlights holding the magic pudding.

That’s where Abbott is now.

International climate change policy after Copenhagen

Last night on Lateline, Ross Garnaut pointed out to an apparently taken aback Tony Jones that 57% support for the ETS – as a major reform – was actually extremely impressive. Today in New Matilda, Ben Eltham rightly says that “the Government is not in nearly as much trouble as many believe. It leads in the polls on nearly every issue that matters, including preferred prime minister.”

The clear implication is that this isn’t the impression people would form if they went by the coverage and commentary in the Australian media.

Similarly, you’d be forgiven for thinking that Copenhagen spelt doom for any concerted international action on climate change (despite the fact that the Coalition’s policy is still tied into setting emissions targets, no matter how ineffectual it would be; and that it also provides Liberal moderates some leverage if the Abbott truck hits an electoral blackspot). There’s been nary a word published about the targets that states agreed to submit post-Copenhagen. It’s as if the event’s only significance was its ramifications for Australian domestic politics.

The Economist links to The Sustainability Institute’s interactive Climate Score Card, which enables a picture to be drawn of the probable impacts on average temperature of the various nations’ commitments. The paper also points out that:

countries can express their intentions in different ways, and that many have provided two or more levels of commitment: a low one that they say they will pursue regardless, and one or more higher ones that they will try for if enough other countries are also going high.

For those whose horizon is wider than the prism of the Australian partisan debate, the whole thing, as they say, is worth reading.

Shock! Horror! Political journosphere shocked by the ALP playing politics!

Ben Eltham has a wrap up of the week in politics at New Matilda. It’s certainly fair to say that it certainly didn’t go all the Coalition’s way. What surprises me about the commentary we’ve seen in the lead up to and after the resumption of Parliament is some sort of default assumption that Tony Abbott would release his climate change policy, and happily elope with the voters, and that’s the last we’d hear of politics in an election year. Dennis Shanahan is, as always, indicative:

THE Rudd government has an unhealthy obsession with Tony Abbott’s obsessions. As parliament prepares to resume on Tuesday for the first sitting in an election year, some Labor ministers are spending so much time reinforcing adverse stereotypes of the new Liberal leader they run the double risk of appearing to be in a panic and of actually validating his policies and leadership.

KEVIN Rudd’s emissions trading scheme is dead but he can’t let it go. Politically he should shift ground to alternative action on climate change, blame Tony Abbott for the failure of a scheme previously favoured by Liberal leaders, and use the global failure to agree on a concerted plan as a reprieve before the election.

There’s some sort of bizarre alternate reality here, where the Opposition is constantly at the centre of events, and any sort of response which doesn’t play to the ‘media narrative’ from the Government is somehow electoral poison.

It’s just nuts. I suspect, in part, it derives from a belief that if the Liberals could unite behind one leader, all would be plain sailing from there on in. In fact, as one week of Barnaby-isms demonstrates, even without leadership speculation, they’re still shambolic. I think there’s still some sort of weird assumption that the Liberals are the natural party of government, and that the electorate are finally waking up to the mistake made in 2007; hence Labor is represented as being panic stricken after a single poll where their two party preferred vote is 52-48. (John Howard’s first term government, by contrast, spent a large part of the time behind in the polls.)

So we also get a bizarre perception that Labor is some sort of immovable object, locked in behind last year’s politics, and unable to shape the political landscape. This is reinforced by constant generalisation on the basis of anecdote – “voters are concerned by debt and deficit”, “Rudd is untrustworthy”, “climate change skepticism is on the increase”, very little of which has much support in any relevant polling. And the descent of Rudd’s own approval rating from its stellar heights is seen as an avatar of doom, without any particular attempt to correlate it with the party vote.

All very odd.

Like I said early in the week, watch the political narrative change.

CPD: Thinking Points on Climate Change

The Centre for Policy Development has released a new edition of its Thinking Points newsletter, on the topic of climate change.

Miriam Lyons argues that “climate change is a problem which requires us to marshall the best of science and faith, simultaneously”, while Paul Gilding believes it’s not too late to fight for 1 degree warming. By contrast, Ben Eltham isn’t sure the political will exists to act in time, and Mark Diesendorf from UNSW’s Institute of Environmental Studies highlights the gap between rhetoric and reality in the Rudd government’s climate change policy.

Turning to Copenhagen and its aftermath, Rupert Posner from the Climate Group is in the glass half full crew, and Peter Colley of the CFMEU provides a trade unionist’s perspective.

Wrapping up the edition, Rob Salter pens some more lengthy ruminations on the role of cooperation, community and equality in responding to the climate change challenge.

D-Day for the Liberals? (And the government’s CPRS giveaway)

The Coalition are continuing their marathon climate change/leadership party room meeting after question time today. Clearly, agreement couldn’t be reached within the scheduled four hours. That’s significant in itself.

In developments so far, Andrew Robb has jumped ship, reports Bernard Keane at The Stump.

The government has made its offer on the Coalition amendments. Peter Martin has the text of Rudd’s press release. Writing in New Matilda, Ben Eltham characterises the deal thus:

Billions more taxpayer dollars will be sacrificed on the altar of making the emissions trading scheme palatable for big polluters.

It’s impossible to see this ‘bipartisan’ deal as anything other than a huge transfer from the household sector to the polluters, and one which, at least in the short term, will do nothing much to reduce emissions. The argument in favour is that it should be supported to lock in business and parts of the Coalition, in the hope that it can be improved over time. The argument against ‘pass now, improve later’ is put by Senator Christine Milne at GreensBlog.

In today’s Crikey, Bernard Keane described the CPRS as the worst ever policy process this country has seen. It’s a textbook example, as well, of how politics can completely derail the ostensible intent of a piece of legislation, except insofar as it continues to provide the government with a talking point or two on the actual issue (and that’s not much of an exception!)… So all eyes in the commentariat will now doubt be on the implications for the Liberal leadership. Ludicrous outcomes such as a Kevin Andrews ascension are probably outside the realms of likelihood, but then who knows with this mob?

The issue has certainly crystallised almost all the ructions within the Liberals and between the Nats and moderate Liberals. Continued resentment of defeat, the counter-productive relationship with the media, the tendency to tear down any leader who won’t play the right wing game in all its purity and nuttiness, self-delusion about electoral politics. It’s all there. And none of it is remotely rational in a political sense, or any other.

More to come later…

UPDATE [Ben Eltham]: Sky News is reporting that Wilson Tuckey has moved a leadership spill motion …

Update [Mark]: Tuckey’s leadership spill suggestion failed. Perhaps he shouldn’t rely on The Australian for an assessment of numbers within the Liberal party room.

Update [Mark]: The farce continues, as Coalition members get angsty over whether the meeting should adjourn for a dinner break.

Update [Mark]: I suspect what’s going on now is they’re trying to work out what spin to put on an outcome which is completely chaotic, because both sides disagree as to what happened. If Turnbull, as leader, says that the meeting has decided to accept the deal, it seems to me that all they can do if they don’t agree is to take up Kevin Andrews’ kind offer and make him leader. Or Andrew Robb. Or Tony Abbott or someone. But all the blather about legitimacy surely is just hot air, unless they’re prepared to actually dispense with Turnbull.

Update: Turnbull is giving a press conference, pointing to his strong leadership, and claiming that he’s saved jobs. The Twitter buzz might be as good as place as any to follow what’s going on.

Update: SBS makes about as much sense as anyone could out of the result of the meeting.

Update: What Turnbull should do now.

Marcus Westbury on why the Australia Council doesn’t get digital culture

A screenshot of Escape From Woomera, taken from the Wikipedia page about the game. A common industry rumour has it that the funding of the game by the Australia Council's New Media Arts Board eventually led to the abolition of that Board in an internal restructure.

Above: Escape From Woomera, screenshot.

Marcus Westbury’s column for The Age has been exploring some really interesting topics in cultural policy. His most recent column is one of his best. Now posted on his blog, the article examines the relative responses of the ABC  and the Australia Council to the disruptive cultural transformations wrought by digital technologies.

Westbury argues that while the ABC has done surprisingly well, “the “Australia Council has retreated further and further away from engagement in contemporary culture. The results are on the board to see.” More over the fold.

Continue reading ‘Marcus Westbury on why the Australia Council doesn’t get digital culture’

The Greens’ CPRS amendments

I haven’t had a chance to look at the amendments The Greens are putting forward to the emissions trading scheme bills. But Ben Eltham has, and his verdict has been published at New Matilda:

As the climate change debate rumbles on towards a possible denouement in Copenhagen, it’s comforting that at least one of Australia’s political parties is taking the issue seriously.

You can read the whole article here.

Minimum wages and inequality

My post last week on the decision to decrease the real wages of those reliant on awards for their pay by the so-called Fair Pay Commission sparked a somewhat heated thread, largely around the contention by some commenters that it was some sort of undisputed law that a rise in minimum wage rates leads to greater unemployment. Apparently, too, anyone who advocates anything other than a real wage cut for workers on low pay is morally bankrupt, and personally responsible for unemployment.

So, I was interested to read Ben Eltham’s piece in New Matilda today, which covers the FPC decision, and also segues into a valuable discussion of other aspects of employment in Australia. But what is key in the current context is Eltham’s citation of a study by John Quiggin and Steve Dowrick:

When John Quiggin and Steve Dowrick analysed the literature on minimum wages in 2003, they found little relationship between minimum wages and employment levels, but a very strong relationship between low minimum wages and increasing inequality.

Countries like the United States with low minimum wages had much greater levels of inequality than countries with higher minimum wages like Australia and the members of the European Union. The reason appears to be that holding minimum wages low doesn’t destroy many jobs, but it does have a broad impact on inequality by holding the wages of low-paid workers down across the board. “There is little reason to expect strong employment benefits from freezing minimum wages in nominal terms, that is, reducing minimum wages in real terms,” Quiggin and Dowrick concluded.

The Quiggin and Dowrick paper can be found here [link to pdf].

Australian cultural policy; and whatever happened to the 2020 summit?

I wrote in an earlier post about the “summer of culture” feature at New Matilda. Ben Eltham has now wrapped up “the state of the cultural nation” with a thoughtful essay integrating the various pieces with some broader thoughts on cultural policy and culture and creativity in Australia.

As Eltham notes, mine has been one of the voices seeking to reframe the cultural policy debate. Although he and I wouldn’t agree on everything, we’re certainly coming from the same space. It’s very difficult to judge whether what is now becoming quite a well known critique is having much impact on government – in the funding bodies, and in Peter Garrett’s office.

Incidentally, I wonder what happened to the promise that the government would respond to the 2020 summit by the end of last year? If anything was going to indicate whether or not the Rudd government actually had some sort of integrated stance on cultural policy, it would have been the response to the Creative Australia stream report. But, intriguingly, the website seems to have rewritten history – a response is now promised “in the New Year”. There’s also not much sign of the webpage being used to facilitate further “submission of new ideas”. While I was among the (guarded) cynics at the time the 2020 summit was held, I nevertheless think it’s essential to continue to highlight the fact that it really will have been a stunt if its deliberations and recommendations are allowed to disappear. Something more definite in terms of a date by which the government would respond, and an opportunity to make submissions on the report might be starters. We’ll see.

Continue reading ‘Australian cultural policy; and whatever happened to the 2020 summit?’

Campbell Newman’s tunnel obsession

It’s great to see CPD Fellow Ben Eltham writing a piece in the Courier-Mail today critiquing Brisbane Lord Mayor Campbell Newman’s crazy obsession with tunnels and roads – which, as far as I can tell, is about the only policy direction that gets the Council Libs (or LibNats?) excited. Go read a good analysis of the flaws and hubris of TransApex.

The day politics changed

It was not without significance that Wayne Swan chose to release the Mid Year Economic and Fiscal Outlook on Wednesday – the day the news cycle (and the attention of political junkies) was focused on the election of Barack Obama. Whether or not you think Swan’s timing was calculated, it’s significant in that the shape of Australian politics also morphed – although in a minor key compared to what were world-historical events in the United States.

Laura Tingle, writing in today’s Financial Review, mapped the new political terrain neatly – the post-election “blame the Howard government” game is over. We’re no longer talking about the legacy of interest rate rises (and what about that “always higher under Labor” line?) and inflation. We’re no longer bemoaning the lack of investment in human capital and infrastructure in the Howard years and seeking to rectify it while the good times last. Because we’re about to find out what “beyond the mining boom” is like without the luxury of its dividends to spend in the cause of diversifying our economic base and an ambitious innovation strategy.

As Wayne Swan said, it’s the time for hard choices.

It remains true that we’re much worse placed to weather an economic downturn because of the policy laziness and wasteful spending and disinvestment of the Howard years than we might be. But it’s now up to Labor to demonstrate it can steer us into a better future. In many ways, opportunities for reform and a change in philosophy present themselves in a recessionary climate – as Paul Keating would know well – and Kevin Rudd’s statements today about avoiding “extreme capitalism” in the childcare sector mean more than they say on the surface. There are going to some shifts in economic thinking ahead – and some of the neo-Keynesian signs of the global financial crisis’ wake will write themselves into our economic narrative in this country as well.

Continue reading ‘The day politics changed’

Review of the National Innovation System

We missed this one – Terry Cutler has released (and strangely – copyrighted) the government commissioned Review of the National Innovation System. I haven’t had a chance to read it myself, though I’ve read some commentary in the Fin Review suggesting that it’s written in a strange jargon far too close to consultant speak, and missed the mark in terms of pithy and politically saleable recommendations. I’ve also noticed – and agreed with – criticisms that “venturousaustralia” is a truly horrendous title.

But Ben Eltham at New Matilda has the good oil on what it’s all about.

Elsewhere: Creative Economy.